Senator Rubio Suggests Historical Law for Security

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The Alien Enemies Act wasn’t drafted by some random band of 18th-century bureaucrats looking to fill column inches. It was penned by men who had just fought and bled to carve a sovereign nation out of chaos—and they weren’t about to let it be overrun by foreign threats masquerading as innocent bystanders. They didn’t write the Constitution just so it could become a suicide pact.

Let’s rewind the tape to Ronald Ojeda, a man who actually earned asylum. He stood up to Nicolás Maduro’s socialist dictatorship, risked everything, fled for his life, and hoped America would be the sanctuary it claims to be. Instead, he was hunted down, kidnapped, tortured, and murdered by foreign operatives who had already infiltrated U.S. borders.

And we didn’t stop them—we gave them safe harbor. Think about that. The criminals who did the hunting, who snuffed out the life of a man who dared to believe in freedom, are currently living in the United States. While the asylum system is clogged up with fraud and abuse, the real victims are dying.

Enter President Donald Trump and the Alien Enemies Act. Cue the pearl-clutching from the usual suspects. The same people who think every border is optional and every law is oppressive are suddenly up in arms when the U.S. actually exercises its right to self-defense. But here’s the reality: Tren de Aragua isn’t a misunderstood street gang trying to find its way. It’s a full-blown paramilitary operation tied to a narco-state and operating across borders like it’s running an international franchise of murder, extortion, and smuggling.

Let’s not pretend this is theoretical. These guys aren’t lurking in some shadowy corner of the globe—they’re here, now, in our communities. Every day that someone like Adrian Rafael Gamez Finol or Miguel Oyola Jimenez walks around free in the United States, we’re sending a message: if you’re violent enough and foreign enough, we’ll roll out the red carpet and hand you a lawyer. Meanwhile, Ojeda’s family has to visit a grave.

The counterarguments? That we can deport them one at a time. That’s cute. Maybe next we’ll try winning wars one enemy soldier at a time too. Organized crime doesn’t function like a DMV line. It’s not about isolated bad apples—it’s about cutting off the entire rotten tree. The Founders knew that. That’s why they didn’t waste time on case-by-case niceties when it came to foreign armies on American soil. They gave the president a tool to act swiftly and decisively, because they’d seen firsthand what foreign destabilization looks like.

And don’t even start with the “Well, El Aissami was arrested, so it’s all fine now” crowd. As if drug cartels and terror groups hang it up because one puppet falls. That’s not how any of this works. These cartels and terror outfits are not frat houses that break up when the president gets impeached. They’re networks. Warlords. Armies without uniforms. You don’t negotiate with them, you remove them.

So yes, deporting members of Tren de Aragua en masse is justified. It’s not even a close call. The Alien Enemies Act was made for moments like this, and America would be derelict in its duty if it didn’t use every legal tool at its disposal to root these threats out. Because at the end of the day, this isn’t just about border policy or legal theory—it’s about whether the United States still believes in defending its people, or whether we’re content to be a rest stop on the road to chaos.

In the real world, where the bullets fly and innocent people die, action matters. And the only question worth asking is: will we defend our house, or open the doors wider and hope the wolves show mercy? History tells us how that ends. And so did the Founders.

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